Summer's coming to a close and we're going back to school! Below, you'll find some book recommendations for kids of all ages, from Howard Zinn for kids to an illustrated overview of the history of human rights.

Vannak Prum at the People's Forum, May 2019 (Photo by Jocelyn Pederick)

Remembering Vannak Anan Prum, author and illustrator of The Dead Eye and the Deep Blue Sea

Manfred Hornung, August 8, 2025

In Memory of Vannak

In early December 2009, I received a message from a Malaysian partner organization informing me that the police authorities in Sibu and Mukah, in the state of Sarawak, East Malaysia, were requesting assistance with the cases of a group of Cambodian fishermen. By then, I had already spent several years working with the Cambodian human rights organization LICADHO, supporting Cambodian fishermen who had been trafficked into the Thai commercial fishing fleet. Almost all of these men had endured unspeakable abuse aboard trawlers in the South China Sea—some held captive on these floating prisons for years. Traumatized and desperate, their only hope of escape was to “jump ship” whenever they spotted land.

Many did just that along the shores of Sarawak, including a then 33-year-old man from Pursat province in Cambodia: Prum Vannak Anan. This was how we first met—on 11 December 2009, in a police detention facility in the coastal town of Mukah. Vannak and his Cambodian cellmate bore visible injuries. They looked emaciated and utterly exhausted. At first, the police officials were extremely strict and uncooperative. They would not allow us to bring extra food or hygiene items for the two men, and initially refused even to remove their handcuffs for the interviews. But something changed over the two days I spent in and around the Mukah police station. And I remain convinced that this shift had everything to do with Vannak‘s unique and disarming way of telling his story. His account of his three years at sea and in Sarawak was almost laconic in tone—yet so detailed and truthful, it was deeply striking. His quiet composure clearly resonated with the police officers. By the end of the second interview session, the head of the station allowed us to buy supplies for Vannak and his friend, even driving us in a police car to the local market to do the shopping for them.

When Vannak finally returned to Cambodia on 14 May 2010, after a long and painful repatriation process, I met him and seven other returnees at the LICADHO office to discuss psychosocial support and other next steps. During one of those meetings, Vannak said he wanted to give me a present. It was a pencil drawing of the trawler he had been trapped on, with a portrait of himself in the upper right corner, looking down on the vessel teeming with laboring seamen. The image was breathtaking—full of emotion and poise. I still have that drawing. I have made sure to take it with me everywhere I haved moved since. That gift marked the beginning of an idea: to tell his story through drawings, not just for the world, but first and foremost for his wife and family—to help them understand, and most of all, believe what he had been through.

As he worked on illustrating his story, I continued to meet with Vannak regularly in Phnom Penh or in his home village in Pursat. On my missions to Sarawak, I had taken photos of all the major trafficking sites around the towns of Sarikei, Sibu, and Mukah for the case files. I was stunned to recognize many of these places in Vannak‘s drawings — rendered in minute detail, even though he had never seen any of my photos. In some of those places, he had only spent a few days — or even just hours —yet months later, he drew them from memory as though he was still standing there. It was remarkable. Years later, he told a newspaper: "The images are always there. I can remember all the scenes, and so no, it is not painful for me. It is my pleasure, actually."

I will also never forget Vannak‘s generosity and empathy toward his fellow fishermen. One day, we learned that one of the younger returnees had stepped on a landmine along the Thai-Cambodian border while collecting firewood for charcoal production. Without hesitation, Vannak came with us to help find medical care for him and to offer comfort to his friend and his family. Over the years, I learned so much from Vannak. I owe him a great deal. In that same interview, he also said: "I never took one class. But I enjoy art. Painting is something I was born to do." So true.

Rest in peace, Vannak.

Manfred

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Vannak before his launch event in Washington, DC (2019)

Jocelyn Pederick, August 11, 2025

Vale Vannak
I first met Vannak at his mother's house. He talked for hours and drew his life story with a ballpoint pen, the ink images flowing onto the paper almost directly from his wiry self-tattooed forearms. I told him this should be a book, and he said, "I know." That was the start of our friendship.

As an artist, Vannak was always drawing. He told his own story through his art to everyone, all the time. He talked about going back to capture more, to record the stories left behind in the haste of escaping with nothing but his memories. Vannak's ability to render this other world revealed places and destinies hidden behind the veils of modern slavery. Vannak's pen was a light, capturing the villains and hidden dramas of life and death in an underworld that other survivors have since confirmed in their own testimonies.

His artwork was vivid, beautiful, symbolic, dramatic, and naive. It was incredible to watch him draw out scenes of this dark odyssey with his humble materials: just a sketchbook, coloured pencils, and a black Artline pen. With his pen, he could create detailed, almost forensic renditions of worlds that were stored in a photographic memory, that he was driven to share. He believed that if people truly saw what had happened, they would stop it from happening again.

Vannak travelled the world, sharing his story. He met with then Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, movie stars, human rights advocates, and journalists from some of the world's most influential media outlets. He navigated all these encounters effortlessly, with quiet confidence, never losing himself. He moved between vastly different worlds with humour and charm, undaunted by barriers of language or power. People from across the globe embraced his book and his story, becoming allies from afar, people like Tania and Paul Abramson, Martina Vandenberg, Minky Worden, and many others.

He could be complicated and troubled, like many who have endured what he did. He was also generous and very funny, with a joyful, wry, and cheeky wit. After not seeing each other for months, he would arrive with a carton of cigarettes, and we would drink coffee and smoke and laugh at my broken Khmer language skills.

When we lost touch and were trying to find him, we thought he might have returned to Thailand to the boats. As impossible as it sounds, he always said he needed to capture that story so people would know what was going on.
The details of his death are unclear. He was with friends, they had been drinking, and he left. Later, his body was found. Taken to the local pagoda, he was cremated, and his remains are with his family in Kampong Speu.
This July, I went to Cambodia to take part in a small ceremony for Vannak at his brother's house. Local monks led a ceremony that was attended by his children, ex-wife, father, brothers, sisters, and their partners, their children, and many others from the local area. There were lots of stories about Vannak, both good and bad, but most agreed he had a "really good heart" (mien chet l’aw).

At the ceremony, people lit incense and slowly and deliberately poured water to release all the bad spirits and feelings, to be cleansed. We all hoped Vannak was finally free of all the pain, sadness, and troubles of his life. As clichéd as it sounds, wherever he is, I hope he knows his story made a difference and had an impact on people. He changed my life. He was an extraordinary and immensely important person who changed the world in his own way.

Vannak is survived by his two children, Sokea and Soknan.

Jocelyn Pederick 
 

Created by Meytal Radzinski in 2014 to highlight the literary contributions of women writers and translators, Women in Translation Month has since grown into a global event celebrated each August throughout the English-speaking world.

Browse our collections to discover books by women in translation from all over the globe, featuring authors like Annie Ernaux, Neige Sinno, Jacqueline Harpman, Guadalupe Nettel, Nadia Terranova, Ulrike Meinhof, Olga Tokarczuk, Marjane Satrapi, Assia Djebar, and more. 

Click here to explore our Women in Translation collections for children, tweens, and teens.

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Books for Children, Tweens, and Teens 

Gary Indiana, photographed by Hedi El Kholti

75 YEARS OF GARY INDIANA
(July 16, 1950)

Novelist, essayist, critic and recently departed literary icon Gary Indiana would have turned 75 today. To celebrate his life and legacy, we’re discounting all of his books by 30% off: his novels Horse Crazy and Gone Tomorrow, his essay collection Fire Season: Selected Writings, 1984-2021, and his anti-memoir I Can Give You Anything But Love.

GARY INDIANA was a novelist and critic who chronicled the despair and hysteria of America in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. From Horse Crazy (1989, reissued in 2018 by Seven Stories Press), a tale of feverish love set against the backdrop of downtown New York amid the AIDS epidemic, to Do Everything in the Dark (2003), "a desolate frieze of New York's aging bohemians" (n+1), Indiana's novels mix horror and bathos, grim social commentary with passages of tenderest, frailest desire. With 1997's Resentment: A Comedy, Indiana began his true crime trilogy, following up with Three Month Fever: The Andrew Cunanan Story (1999) and Depraved Indifference (2002). Together, the three novels show the most vicious crimes in our nation's history to be only American pathologies personified. In 2015, he published his acclaimed anti-memoir, I Can Give You Anything But Love (reissued in paperback by Seven Stories Press in 2024) and later the novel Gone Tomorrow (reissued in 2018 by Seven Stories Press). A renowned writer with a historic tenure as the art critic at the Village Voice, Gary Indiana is also the author of the essay collections Vile Days (2018) and Fire Season (Seven Stories Press, 2022), among others. Called one of "the most brilliant critics writing in America today" by the London Review of Books, "the punk poet and pillar of lower-Manhattan society" by Jamaica Kincaid, and "one of the most important chroniclers of the modern psyche" by the Guardian, Gary Indiana was a writer who was both inimitable and impossible to pin down. Gary Indiana passed away on October 24, 2024 after a long battle with cancer.

Below, you will find a video from our last event with him, the launch of our recent reissue of I Can Give You Anything But Love, in which Gary reads from the book and shares some stories about his so-called anti-memoir. Below that video, we've also included some links to some beautiful tributes from our friends at Frieze, The Guardian, The Paris Review, and more.

READ A REMEMBRANCE ON ‘FRIEZE’
READ A TRIBUTE IN ‘THE GUARDIAN’READ A REMEMBRANCE IN ‘THE PARIS REVIEW’

To celebrate the publication of Guerrilla Warfare by Che Guevara, we're excited to share two excerpts from the text: a letter from the editors and the book's foreword by Harry “Pombo” Villegas. In these passages, you will see the ways in which this book represents a living document of revolutionary strategy, updated and revised by Che during his lifetime to incorporate new findings from recent anti-imperialist struggles, and updated in death by his editors to include notes and changes Che had planned for subsequent editions. Like the text itself, these passages paint a portrait of a meticulous, strategy-oriented revolutionary — one who approached both his writing and his military plans with a similar careful precision. The reader will find, as many have before, that Guerrilla Warfare is an illuminating book, and a necessary read for any radical looking to enhance their understanding of revolutionary strategy.

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EDITORIAL NOTE

For many readers around the world, the publication of the essential writings of historic figures has a high symbolic value, given that they represent a perspective on a particular era and, in turn, a form of living memory of the author themselves.

This is one of the aims behind this publication of Guerrilla Warfare, which was written by Che Guevara between 1960 and 1961, and published immediately. The book, however, has its own history and evolution that, we venture to say, has surpassed the expectations of its author, who by preparing a manual on guerrilla warfare intended to systematize rules, to theorize a practical experience (the guerrilla struggle in Cuba), define its structures, and draw out some generalizations.

Due to this book’s form, content, and Che’s sharp and concise style, it very soon found an echo in the revolutionary movements of the 1960s, reflected in Che’s description of the new type of guerrilla fighter and the essential role that they should play as a social reformer and catalyst for full social justice.

This clearly explains why the manual very soon also became a widely studied text in US counterinsurgency schools and military academies.

The course of historical events led Che to embark on a new front in the struggle in the Congo in 1965, his memories of which are recorded in Congo Diary (Seven Stories Press, 2021). This experience, despite the importance of its objectives, did not produce the expected results; a retreat was forced upon Che and the Cuban combatants who had been mobilized to support the struggle following a request made by the Organization of African Unity. It was decided that Che would leave the Congo, first to travel to Tanzania and later to Prague, the place chosen for the preparation of future battles. He remained in Prague until July 1966, when he returned incognito to Cuba to begin the military training that would lead him to Bolivia.

During his time in Prague, among the tasks Che assumed was a revision of Guerrilla Warfare, based on a suggestion made by Fidel Castro in a letter dated June 3, 1966.

Fidel wrote:

I read the entire draft of the book about your experience in the C.* and reread the manual on guerrilla warfare, so as to be able to make the best possible analysis… Although in an immediate sense, there is no point in talking to you about these issues, for the time being I will limit myself to telling you that I found the work on the C. extremely interesting and I think that the effort you made to leave a written account of everything was really worthwhile. In relation to the manual on guerrilla warfare, it seems to me that it should be updated a bit in view of the new experiences accumulated in the field, to introduce some new ideas and to emphasize certain questions that are absolutely fundamental.

*  Fidel is referring to the Congo, Africa.

Che had very little time for revising the text between receiving the letter from Fidel and the date of his return to Cuba, which explains the mechanisms used for the changes that were introduced, especially in terms of his suggestions for a future and more complete expansion of the text. The method used maintained the style that Che always employed — the use of several colors (red, blue, and green) — as well as annotations in the margin pointing to the need to consult, consider, and expand on different points. Many of the notes remained on the level of mere observations that could not be developed for obvious reasons. At the same time, the comprehensive and temporal vision of Che’s new observations is displayed, for example, when he writes, “correct this in accordance with the Vietnamese [experience].”

Given the testimonial and historical value of the annotations made by Che, the present edition of Guerrilla Warfare incorporates them with their corresponding explanations and places them in boldface in the text and footnotes, so as to make them more intelligible to the reader.

The Che Guevara Studies Center and Ocean Press, as part of their joint publishing project, and particularly in relation to Che’s classic texts, wish to offer the reader the definitive, albeit unfinished version of a work that is always present and permanently being renewed, as Che suggested in the first edition in his dedication to Camilo: “This work is dedicated to Camilo Cienfuegos, who should have read and corrected it, but whose fate prevented him from carrying out the task.”

The editors

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FOREWORD BY HARRY "POMBO" VILLEGAS

The request of the Che Guevara Studies Center to prepare a few brief notes for a foreword to the new edition of Che’s Guerrilla Warfare, which he later updated during his stay in Prague after the end of his campaign in the Congo, represents for me an immense commitment.

Che’s theoretical creativity, characterized by his multidisciplinary approach and backed by his coherent practice in relation to his ideas, offers for progressive people throughout the world — and especially the young — unquestionable guiding values. This is why the desire expressed in the Cuban Pioneers’ slogan to “be like Che” continues to be valid for almost all of humanity in its quest for full social justice.

Demonstrating the versatile nature of Che’s creative activity, Guerrilla Warfare brings together the theoretical-practical experience of the revolutionary war in Cuba, synthesizing the strategy and tactics of the Cuban revolution during the struggle for power. The book also brings together the military thinking behind that process in the insurrectional stage, and the military activities of Fidel Castro as its leader, and its vanguard of Raúl Castro, Juan Almeida, Camilo Cienfuegos, and Che Guevara. It was Che who assumed responsibility for objectively analyzing and generalizing this experience, with the aim of providing the necessary theoretical framework that is indispensable for those who in the future might adopt this method of struggle.

For many analysts of revolutionary war in different parts of the world, Guerrilla Warfare is one of the texts that discusses the topic most systematically.

Since its first publication, these qualities have not escaped the attention of US military analysts, who have incorporated it as a text to be studied and used in the preparation of counterinsurgency forces (such as the Green Berets). These forces were created and trained as a military response to the upsurge in revolutionary movements— and especially the guerrilla struggles that were developing in Latin America — following the victory of the Cuban revolution.

As is obvious, the validity of the ideas contained in this book was recognized by the empire’s think tanks when they were analyzing the causes that generated this phenomenon in Cuba. They have also studied the strategic alternatives proposed by the leaders of the Cuban revolution in relation to changes that should be incorporated in light of new experiences of social transformation.

The imperialist enemy has tried to respond and offer possible ways to combat these ideas. One such initiative was the so-called Alliance for Progress, which was established in 1961 with the objective of preventing a repetition of the Cuban revolution elsewhere in the region, arguing that it was an isolated or exceptional case. The objectives established after the victory of the revolution in 1959 are still being pursued today with new treaties such as the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), which has the identical goals of subjugation and exploitation.

This explains why Che felt compelled to analyze the Cuban experience in light of revolutionary theory and practice in a way that could be applied to other peoples’ struggles. From this arose the need for Guerrilla Warfare to offer a methodology, a guide, and a way to take political power in Latin America through the means of armed struggle.

The starting point for the ideas underlying this manual are the conditions of exploitation prevailing in the region and their social consequences, conditions which generate illiteracy and inadequate health care, unemployment, and overwhelming impoverishment in almost all the countries of the hemisphere. This is the result of the domination imposed by governing oligarchies that are the unconditional allies of the United States, and that are responsible for obstructing the appropriate roads to resolving these scourges, thereby impeding a more just society.

Given the weight of such negative and harmful conditions, it was clear that there was no other alternative but to resort to violence in response to the intimidation that was imposed. Therefore, for Che, employing the guerrilla struggle was the most appropriate and certain road, although it was also the one that required the most sacrifice.

It should also be considered that the response conceptualized by Che was not only the concrete result of a revolutionary theory and practice, but was also an attempt to incorporate and apply a specific methodology and didactic approach to this form of struggle. Che seeks to clearly define the advantages of the method to be utilized to achieve success, in what are known as the “seven golden rules” of the guerrilla struggle, as well as to define the risks and dangers that might lead to failure.

Military thinking, in its theoretical dimension, is defined in revolutionary terms as the range of concepts, ideas, and principles held by an individual or group regarding the way to conduct war. In general, these experiences are imparted in writing, as in Che’s classic works such as Reminiscences of the Cuban Revolutionary War (Seven Stories Press, 2022) and Congo Diary (Seven Stories Press, 2021), “Guerrilla Warfare: A Method,” and this book, Guerrilla Warfare (Seven Stories Press, 2022).

Other methods are transmitted based on the experiences derived from practical activities, battles, military operations, and the conduct of war. In the concrete case of Cuba, the main example and maximum exponent of this is Fidel.

Many will ask, 45 years after Guerrilla Warfare was first published, whether the ideas proposed by Che retain their validity as the way to take political power under current conditions. To respond requires returning to the main lines of Che’s thought; as a Marxist, he offered an objective analysis and a coherent approach in dealing with reality in time, form, and space, which was indispensable for the analysis and elaboration of his political-military theses.

The possibility of applying these theses and achieving success in irregular warfare through the guerrilla struggle was based on the limited possibility of finding other ways to realize the dreams and ideals of the masses. For Che, the role of the guerrilla fighter was to be a catalyst that could accelerate the conditions of struggle among the people, consistent with the principle that the role of the revolutionary is not to sit back and wait to see the cadaver of imperialism pass by, but to facilitate the conditions that lead to its collapse.

For Cubans, the need for revolutionary war and its combative spirit remains valid as the only way to defend ourselves against our potential enemy, Yankee imperialism, and to preserve the revolution and the social justice we have achieved. This is implicit in our military doctrine of the War of All the People, a strategy designed to provide each citizen with a way of participating in the fight, by which guerrilla warfare continues to be a genuine mass struggle.

For Che, the people are to the guerrilla fighters what water is to a fish, that is, their means of existence. On the tactical level, the “seven golden rules” remain valid, in so far as if creatively applied they would guarantee victory:

- Do not engage in a fight that cannot be won.
- Move continuously, hit and run.
- Use the enemy as the main supplier of weapons.
- Hide your movements.
- Make use of the element of surprise in military actions.
- Form new columns once some power has been won.
- In general, proceed through three phases: strategic defense, balance between the possibilities of enemy action and guerrilla action, and finally the total annihilation of the adversary.

In short, all this is conducted using the tactics of the guerrilla: mobility, nocturnal movement, flexibility, ability to surprise, rapidity of attack, the care and rationing of supplies, and rapid alternation between concentrating efforts and decentralizing.

At the present time, as a result of the disintegration of the socialist camp, the dislocation of most of the forces of the left, and the consolidation of a hegemonic world order, the enemy has been forced, in the specific case of Latin America, to introduce superficial changes in its methods of oppression and colonial domination. Military dictatorships have been replaced by pseudo-democratic governments, subordinate, as always, to imperialism’s dictates and orders, making false promises to try to solve the serious problems that our people suffer as a result of neoliberalism and the consequences of underdevelopment — problems that the oligarchies and the transnationals have never been interested in solving.

In the case of progressive governments that have gained office through the electoral road, taking advantage of the so-called democratic opening, they have projected social programs with the aim of improving their peoples’ situation. The immediate reaction of the imperialists has been to accuse them of being terrorists, of forming part of the “axis of evil,” and so on. This has been accompanied by different types and methods of aggression employed with the intention of blocking plans that would benefit the popular sectors. Logically, this leads to confrontation, and does not exclude the possibility that under specific conditions, after exhausting the democratic road, it will be necessary to resort to violence and return to the fundamental principles of guerrilla warfare as the only alternative to build a better world.

With the reading or rereading of Guerrilla Warfare you can reach your own conclusions, returning to José Martí’s principle of struggling to achieve as much social justice as possible, a principle for which Che fought throughout his revolutionary career.

Harry “Pombo” Villegas

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ERNESTO GUEVARA DE LA SERNA was born in Rosario, Argentina, on June 14, 1928. While studying for a medical degree in Buenos Aires, he took a trip with his friend Alberto Granado on an old Norton motorcycle through all of Latin America, the basis for The Motorcycle Diaries. During his travels he witnessed the Bolivian revolution in 1953; and, in Guatemala in 1954, the overthrow of the democratically elected government of Jacobo Arbenz by US-backed forces. Forced to leave Guatemala, he went to Mexico City, where he linked up with exiled Cuban revolutionaries and met Fidel Castro in 1955. Che joined their expedition to Cuba, where the revolutionary war began in the Sierra Maestra mountains. At first Che was the troop doctor, and later became Rebel Army commander in July 1957.  Following the rebels’ victory on January 1, 1959, he was a key leader of the new revolutionary government and also of the political organization that in 1965 became the Communist Party of Cuba. 

On June 18, 2025, the United States Supreme Court voted to uphold Tennessee's ban on gender-affirming care for minors, including puberty blockers and hormone therapies, effectively shielding similar bans in over 20 other states. While not surprising, this is a significant blow to healthcare access for thousands of trans kids throughout the country, and paves the way for further states to establish bans — or significant resistrictions — on gender-affirming care for minors. 

It’s hard to know what to do or how to fight back when the powers that be are making so many paths to leading full lives inaccessible. But we do know this: we want everyone to survive this moment, even when it feels hopeless. We have to take care of each other. Above all, we have to pool our resources and make sure we all have access to the tools we need.

That’s why we’re making DRM-free (easily shareable) copies of Hello, Cruel World (Second Edition) available to download for free from our website through June 25th. Download a copy for yourself or send it to a friend, a family member, a local teen, or anyone else who might be struggling, or anyone else who might need a guide of this kind.

As Kate says in the first chapter, 

I can tell you this with certainty: You are worthy and capable of finding a way to live your life just the way you really are. And there are plenty of good people in the world who believe that a life like yours needs to be lived. If you work at being as fully you as you can possibly be, you will feel better.

And keep in mind that the you that makes life worth living today probably won’t be the same you that makes life worth living this time next year. Identities aren’t meant to be permanent. They’re like cars: they take us from one place to another. We work, travel, and seek adventure in them until they break down beyond repair. At that point, living well means finding a new model that better suits us for a new moment.

I believe in the truth of you and so do a lot of other people, people you may not even know yet. Whatever you’re being right now, wherever you’ve been traveling, and whatever you might become tomorrow, I believe in you.

This book is a lot about learning how to give yourself permission to go on living even when it really hurts. Right now you might be glad I’ve given you permission. Eventually, you’ll no longer need anyone’s but your own. Permission to do what? Permission to take yet another stab at putting together the kind of identity that makes you feel that you’re being true to yourself and that life is worth living. Go ahead, give yourself permission to become the kind of person you’ve always dreamed you could be.

“You’ll want to keep extra copies of this one on the shelf to give away to friends in need.” —Bitch Magazine 

The twentieth anniversary edition of trans trailblazer Kate Bornstein’s one-of-a-kind guide to staying alive — for teens, freaks, and other outlaws — featuring an introduction by Sara Quin and a new afterword by Paul B. Preciado

Now with 20 additional alternatives and Kate Bornstein’s urgent new essay, “Hello, Cruel Gender,” this edition of Hello, Cruel World offers a much-needed and unorthodox catalog of alternatives to suicide for all of us — ranging from the playful, easy, and irreverent to the controversial, challenging, and earnest. With love, humor, and grit, Bornstein dares readers to re-envision the gender system, encouraging us to unleash our hearts’ desires and journey toward an emphatic embrace of life.

“This book is written for the teen locked inside each of us,” writes Paul Preciado in a new afterword to the book. “The one who has lost their dream, forgotten their infinite desire for transformation, the one who has gotten used to accepting the desires of others rather than pursuing their own.” Here is a trove of insights, at once intimate and edgy, to keep every freak out there alive. 

Lambda Literary Award for LGBTQ+ Nonfiction, 2007 Finalist

Stonewall Children’s and Young Adult Literature Award, 2009 Honor Book

Celebrate the life of Ernesto "Che" Guevara with 30% off all of his books!

ERNESTO GUEVARA DE LA SERNA was born in Rosario, Argentina, on June 14, 1928. While studying for a medical degree in Buenos Aires, he took a trip with his friend Alberto Granado on an old Norton motorcycle through all of Latin America, the basis for The Motorcycle Diaries. During his travels he witnessed the Bolivian revolution in 1953; and, in Guatemala in 1954, the overthrow of the democratically elected government of Jacobo Arbenz by US-backed forces. Forced to leave Guatemala, he went to Mexico City, where he linked up with exiled Cuban revolutionaries and met Fidel Castro in 1955. Che joined their expedition to Cuba, where the revolutionary war began in the Sierra Maestra mountains. At first Che was the troop doctor, and later became Rebel Army commander in July 1957.  Following the rebels’ victory on January 1, 1959, he was a key leader of the new revolutionary government and also of the political organization that in 1965 became the Communist Party of Cuba. He was killed in Bolivia on October 9, 1967.

June marks Stonewall Rememberance Month, aka Pride Month, a celebration of LGBTQIA+ liberation and all that has been won and all that is still left to fight for. While we're delighted to celebrate throughout June, we want to encourage everyone to read, and champion, literature by queer writers throughout the year — not just during Pride Month. That said, now's a great time to stock up.

Celebrate queer, trans, and otherwise LGBTQIA+ writers all year long with some of our favorite works of radical queer literature. Pick up a new book for yourself, or for someone else, and don't forget to tell your friends how much you love them.

 

Available to download for free, Full Spectrum Resistance the radical’s guide to activist work—the manual we need at this crucial moment to organize against the fascist creep and fight against the increasingly militarized industry of repression. 

A guide to direct action for those disillusioned with the posturing of liberal “activism.”

Thoroughly exploring the achievements and failures of radical movements throughout history—from 19th-century anti-colonial rebellions in China and the environmental actions of First Nations and Native American tribes throughout the 20th century, to Black Lives Matter and the fight for Gay Liberation—the two volumes of Full Spectrum Resistance candidly advocate for direct action, not just risk-averse models of protest marches and call-ins. With in-depth histories and case studies of social justice and environmental movements, noted writer, activist, and farmer Aric McBay explains why passive resistance alone cannot work, and how we must be prepared to do whatever it takes to create substantial social change.

In Volume 1: Building Movements and Fighting to Win, McBay describes the need for resistance movements, and paints a portrait of what a thriving resistance movement might look like today. Citing successful movements such as the Deacons of Defense of the American Civil Rights Movement, the anti-colonial revolutions in Guinea and Cape Verde, and activist groups like Act-UP, McBay deftly illustrates how to organize activist groups and encourage enlistment, while also noting the necessary precautions one must take to secure these radical circles from infiltration and collapse.

In Volume 2: Actions and Strategies for Change, McBay uses the successful strategies of various actions, such as the Greek Resisters of the 2008 Greek Television Takeover, to articulate the best practices for inter-activist coordination and communication with mass media to effectively spread message. Covering reconnaissance methods and other forms of intelligence-gathering, Volume 2 guides the reader in smart decision-making and damage control, such as how to recover from both covert and overt adversarial attacks, such as COINTELPRO (1971). Moreover, this manual clearly articulates the best strategies and practices for the financial, logistical, and tactical organization necessary to all successful radical movements in the long term. 

Further Reading About Protest and Direct Action, Now 30% Off

This classic manual on repression by revolutionary activist Victor Serge offers fascinating anecdotes about the tactics of police provocateurs and an analysis of the documents of the Tsarist secret police in the aftermath of the Russian revolution.

As we approach the 100th anniversary of Victor Serge’s (1926) classic exposé of political repression, the specter of fear as a tool of political repression is chillingly familiar to us in world increasingly threatened by totalitarianism. Serge’s exposé of the surveillance methods used by the Czarist police reads like a spy thriller. An irrepressible rebel, Serge wrote this manual for political activists, describing the structures of state repression and how to dodge them—including how to avoid being followed, what to do if arrested, and tips on securing correspondence. He also explains how such repression is ultimately ineffective.

“Repression can really only live off fear. But is fear enough to remove need, thirst for justice, intelligence, reason, idealism…? Relying on intimidation, the reactionaries forget that they will cause more indignation, more hatred, more thirst for martyrdom, than real fear. They only intimidate the weak; they exasperate the best forces and temper the resolution of the strongest.” —Victor Serge

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THE PROBLEM OF ILLEGALITY
An Excerpt from What Every Radical Should Know about State Repression: A Guide for Activists by Victor Serge

DON'T BE FOOLED

Without a clear perspective on this problem, knowledge of police methods and procedures would be of no practical utility.

Fetishism of legality was and still is one of the characteristic features of the class collaboration tendency of socialism. It involves a belief in the possibility of transforming the capitalist order without entering into conflict with its privileged elements. But rather than indicating a naiveté quite incompatible with the mentality of politicians, it is a sign of the corruption of the leaders. Entrenched in a society they pretend to be fighting, they recommend respecting the rules of the game. The working class can only respect bourgeois legality if it ignores the real role of the state and the deceptive nature of democracy; in short, the first principles of the class struggle.

If the worker knows that the state is a mesh of institutions designed to defend the interests of the property owners against the non-owners, that is, to maintain the exploitation of labor; that the law, always decreed by the rich against the poor, is enforced by magistrates invariably belonging to the ruling class; that the law is invariably enforced along rigorous class lines; that coercion, which begins with a quiet order from a policeman, passes via the lockup and the penitentiary, and ends with the fall of the guillotine—is the systematic exercise of legalized violence against the exploited, then the only way the worker can view legality is as a fact, whose different facets he should know about, with its different applications, traps and pitfalls (and also advantages, which should be made use of at certain points) but which should be nothing but a purely material obstacle to his class.

Is it necessary to demonstrate the anti-proletarian nature of all bourgeois legality? Perhaps. In our unequal struggle against the old world, the simplest things must be explained again and again each day. We need only mention a number of fairly well-known facts.

In every country, the workers’ movement has had to win, in over half a century of struggle, the right to associate and the right to strike. Even in France this right is still not conceded to state employed workers nor those in industries considered to be of public utility (as if all industries aren’t), such as the railways.

In the conflicts between capital and labor, the army has often intervened against labor—never against capital.

In court the defense of the poor is nothing short of impossible, because of the cost of any judicial action; in effect, a worker can neither bring a case nor defend one.

The overwhelming majority of crimes are directly caused by poverty and come into the category of attacks on property. The overwhelming majority of prison inmates are from the poor.

Up until the war, there was discriminatory suffrage in Belgium; a capitalist, a curate, an officer or a lawyer each had as many votes as two, or three workers. At the time of writing an attempt is being made to reestablish discriminatory suffrage in Italy.

To respect legality such as this is to be fooled by it. Nonetheless, it would be equally disastrous to ignore it. The advantages for the workers’ movement are the greater the less one is fooled. The right to exist and to act legally is, for the organizations of the proletariat, something which must constantly be re-won and extended. We stress this because sometimes among good revolutionaries there emerges the diametrical opposite of fetishizing legality—due to a kind of tendency to make the least political effort (it is easier to conspire than to lead mass action) they have a certain disdain for legal action.

We believe that in countries where the reaction has not yet triumphed, destroying the previous democratic constitution, the workers will have to fight to defend every inch of their legal position, and in other countries fight to regain it. In France itself, the legal status the workers’ movement enjoys must be extended, and this can only be done through struggle. The right of association and the right to strike are still denied to state employees and certain other categories of workers; the right to demonstrate is much more restricted than in the Anglo-Saxon countries; the advanced guard of workers’ defense have still not conquered the streets and gained legality as in Germany and Austria.

THE POSTWAR EXPERIENCE

During the war the governments of all the belligerent countries replaced democratic institutions by military dictatorship (martial law, the virtual suppression of the right to strike, prorogation or recess of parliaments, handing over all power to the generals and the court-martial regimes). The exceptional requirements of national defense gave them a plausible justification. Since the end of the war, when the Red tide surging out from Russia flowed out over the whole of Europe, almost all the capitalist states—this time fighting the class war, and under threat from the workers’ movement— treated their previously sacred legislation as worth less than the paper it was written on.

The Baltic states (Finland, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia) and Poland, Romania and Yugoslavia brought out against the working class brutal laws untainted with democratic hypocrisy. Bulgaria refined the effects of its brutal legislation with extra-legal violence. Hungary, Italy and Spain were content with abolishing, so far as the workers and peasants were concerned, any legality whatsoever. More cultivated, and better organized, Germany, without resorting to special powers, established what can be called a regime of legal police terror.1 The United States brutally applies its laws on “criminal unionism,” sabotage and . . . espionage! Thousands of workers were arrested under an Espionage Act passed during the war against German subjects living in the United States.

The only countries left in Europe where the labor movement still enjoys the benefits of democratic legality are Scandinavia, England, France and a few small countries. It can be said without fear of being disproved by events that with the first really dangerous social crisis this advantage will be promptly and abruptly withdrawn. Very definite signs have appeared which demand our attention. In November 1924, the British elections took place on the basis of an anticommunist campaign, the basic evidence for which was a forged letter from Zinoviev, supposedly addressed to the British Labour Party and intercepted by the state. In France there have on several occasions been attempts to dissolve the CGT. If I am not mistaken, this dissolution even received formal approval. Briand in his time even—illegally—went so far as to militarize railway workers, in order to break their strike. Clemenceau’s tactics are not something belonging to the distant past—and Poincaré has shown, since the occupation of the Ruhr, an evident desire to imitate him.

Now, for a revolutionary party, being taken unawares by being outlawed means that you disappear. On the other hand, being prepared for illegality makes you certain of surviving any measures of repression. Three striking examples from recent history illustrate the truth of this.

1. A great communist party which allowed itself to be taken unawares when made illegal:

The Yugoslav Communist Party, a mass party, which in 1920 had more than 120,000 members and sixty deputies in the Skupchina, was dissolved in 1921, in compliance with the State Defense Law. Its defeat was instant and total. It disappeared from the political scene.[2]

2. A communist party which was taken only half unawares:

The Italian Communist Party [PCI] was obliged, even before Mussolini’s rise to power, to pursue what was at best a semi-legal existence, because of fascist persecution. The furious repression—with 4,000 workers arrested in the first week of 1923— was at no point able to smash the PCI, which on the contrary was strengthened and fortified, its membership rising from 10,000 in 1923 to almost 30,000 at the beginning of 1925.

3. A great communist party which was not in the least taken unawares:

At the end of 1923, after the revolutionary events of October and the Hamburg insurrection, the German Communist Party was dissolved by General von Seeckt. Prepared over a long period, and with flexible, illegal organizations, it was none-theless able to continue its normal existence. The government soon had to reconsider a measure of such evident inanity. The German Communist Party came out of illegality with its forces hardly impaired, to get over three and a half million votes in the 1924 elections.

THE LIMITS OF LEGAL REVOLUTIONARY ACTION

What is more, legality, in the most “advanced” capitalist democracies, has limits which the proletariat cannot respect without condemning itself to defeat. Propaganda in the army, a vital necessity, is not legally tolerated. Without the defection of at least a part of the army, there is no victorious revolution. This is a law of history. In every bourgeois army, the party of the proletariat must arouse and cultivate revolutionary traditions, possess extensive organizations, tenacious in their work, and more vigilant than the enemy. The most democratic of legal systems would not in the least tolerate action committees at the very points where they are most necessary: in the great railway junctions, the docks, the arsenals and the airports. The most democratic of legal systems does not tolerate communist propaganda in the colonies: as proof, take the persecution of the Egyptian and Indian revolutionaries by the British authorities; and also the regime of police provocation established by the French authorities in Tunisia. Finally, it need scarcely be said that international communications services must at all times be subject to investigation by the political police.

Nobody maintained the need for illegal revolutionary organization more firmly than Lenin—in the period of the founding of the Russian Bolshevik Party and later, during the founding of the European communist parties. Nobody fought harder against the fetishism of legality. At the Second Congress of the Russian Social Democracy (in Brussels and London, 1903), the division between Mensheviks and Bolsheviks took shape precisely over the question of illegal organization. The motive was the discussion of the first paragraph of the statutes. L. Martov, who for 20 years was to be the leader of Menshevism, wanted to concede membership of the party to anyone which lent it his services (under the control of the party)—that is, in reality, to the many sympathizers, especially in intellectual circles, who would try not to compromise themselves to the point of collaborating in illegal actions. Intractably, Lenin maintained that to belong to the party it was necessary “to participate in the work of one of its (illegal) organizations.” The discussion appeared to be splitting hairs. But Lenin was a thousand times right. You cannot be half, or a third a revolutionary. The party of the revolution must, of course, make use of every contribution; but it cannot be content with receiving just vague, discreet, verbal, inactive sympathy from its members. Those who do not agree to risk a privileged material situation for the sake of the working class, should not be in a position to exercise real influence within it. The attitude towards illegality was for Lenin the touchstone for differentiating between real revolutionaries and others.[3]

PRIVATE POLICE FORCES

Another factor must be taken into account: the existence of private police forces outside the law that provide the bourgeoisie with excellent hired guns.

During the world war, the information service of Action Française was notably successful in supplying Clemenceau’s courts-martial. It is well known that Marius Plateau was at the head of AF’s private police. Meanwhile, a certain Jean Maxe,[4] the zealous compiler and distributor of the Cahiers de l’antifrance, devoted himself to spying on the vanguard movements. It is very likely that all the reactionary formations inspired by the example of the Italian fascists have espionage and police services.

In Germany, since the official disarming of the country, the essential forces of reaction have been concentrated in extremely secretive organizations. The reaction has understood that, even in parties supported by the state, clandestinity is a precious asset. Naturally all these organizations take on the functions of virtual undercover police forces against the proletariat.

In Italy, the fascist party is not content with having the official police at its disposal. It has its own espionage and counterespionage services. Everywhere it spreads informers, secret agents, provocateurs and police spies. And it is this mafia, police and terrorists all in one, which “suppressed” Matteotti—as it had many others.

In the United States, the participation of the private police in the conflicts between labor and capital has grown fearfully. The offices of famous private detectives provide the capitalists with discreet informers, expert provocateurs, riflemen, guards, foremen and also totally corrupt “trade union militants.” The Pinkertons, Burns and Thiels detective agencies have 100 head offices and about 10,000 branches: they supposedly employ 135,000 people. Their annual budget comes to $65 million. They have set up industrial espionage, factory-floor espionage, espionage in the workshop, the shipyards, offices, and wherever there are workers employed. They have created the prototype of the worker-informer. [5]

An analogous system, exposed by Upton Sinclair, operates in the universities and schools of the great democracy whose praises are sung by Walt Whitman.

CONCLUSIONS

To sum up: the study of the workings of the Okhrana shows us that the immediate aim of the police is more to know than to repress. To know in order to repress at the appointed hour, to the extent desired—if not altogether. Faced by this wily adversary, powerful and cunning, a workers’ party lacking clandestine organization, a party which keeps nothing hidden, is like an unarmed man, with no cover, in the sights of a well positioned rifleman. Revolutionary work is too serious to be kept in a glasshouse. The party of the revolution must organize so as to avoid enemy vigilance as far as possible; so as to hide its most important resources absolutely; so as not—in the countries which are still democratic—to be at the mercy of a lurch to the right by the bourgeoisie, or of a declaration of war so as to train our comrades in the behavior which is demanded by these imperatives. [6]